house and home

A house can be a private and intimate space, or an extension of the surrounding community. It can be a consolation, a challenge, and even an emblem of aspiration, as many people try to construct and maintain a secure and safe home for themselves and their families. This is a course of that unfolds over time and entails many voices, locales, and even negotiations or contestations of space (Barone 2010).

A phenomenological approach of residence can inspire further analysis of the ways during which older and vulnerable people experience home. Elderly folks are likely to lean more closely on their house surroundings than younger ones (Krasner 2006). The literature means that aged folks usually report a better stage of satisfaction with their current houses than younger ones, though their residential situation might be removed from fascinating or adequate.

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The notion of house is ambiguous, is usually used in a metaphorical way, and is closely related to ideas corresponding to house and dwelling. In this paper the phenomenon of house is explored by the use of some phenomenological writings of Heidegger, Bollnow, Bachelard and Levinas. Common of their views is that being at residence and dwelling imply one thing more basic than an activity we do together with different activities, such as working and travelling. Dwelling, building a home and being at residence are basic aspects of human existence.

Elderly people are usually reluctant to maneuver to a new environment, but they’re usually compelled to do so. For them, residence performs a critical function in sustaining a way of non-public identification and independence, sustaining a meaningful existence, and resisting institutionalization (Kontos 1998).

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In documenting the on a regular basis labours involved in making a home, feminist students have also known as for extra careful consideration to tensions between exploitation and belonging, and between social change and social reproduction. For example, Lila Abu-Lughod, studying Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin ladies in Egypt (1990; 1986) traces how ostensibly oppressive norms of public male honour and personal female modesty are creatively taken up by women to say power for themselves. By echoing men’s insistence over strict separations between women and men within the house, women eke out house to smoke, scheme, and share household secrets. They invert their formal deference to men, whereas retaining their claim to modesty and advantage. These practices can usually turn out to be forms of resistance, difficult power dynamics inside households and probably driving broader social change.

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The revelation of homesickness points to a novel wrinkle in this otherwise nomadic tale. Despite an overtly transhumant and opportunistic type of housing construction, a sentimental connection to position stays on the coronary heart of Chuuk culture. As Bollig explains, “They have considerably more attachment to the imeito, the ancestral residence of the family, by which the parents lived and in the neighborhood of which they’re buried.